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Women, Agroecology & Gender Equality

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This booklet is intended to serve as a basic background resource for grassroots groups, to make links between gender and agroecology, and to understand agroecology's potential to address gender inequalities.

Agroecology is fast growing as a social movement around the world today. It is showing real potential in solving the multiple crises that our planet and humanity face–hunger, climate change, water scarcity, environmental contamination and unemployment. It is a true grassroots solution, accessible and affordable for the majority of the world's resource-poor rural communities. But, can it also make sure that both men and women benefit equally? Does it have the potential to challenge gender-based inequalities in societies? Can it ensure that women become decision makers at home and leaders in society just like men? If so, how? What would such agroecology projects look like?

We start with some very basic concepts about gender, patriarchy, gender roles, and how all these relate to agriculture. We then look at how capitalist developments in agriculture have intensified gender inequalities and marginalized women. Following this, we look at the current status of women in agriculture in India, including at their rights and entitlements as enshrined in the constitution of India. We then look at agroecology–its contested definitions today, and under what conditions it creates gender equality and when it does not. We look at its impacts at the household level and how it can create more opportunities for women at the community level.

Finally, we provide some success stories from India, where agroecology has proven to be a crucial vehicle for gender equality. The cases of Tamil Nadu Women's Collective, Kudumbashree, and Deccan Development Society show us examples of the most oppressed women—mainly women from particular castes and landless communities, shifting towards collective farming—are gaining access to land, learning agroecology, acquiring food autonomy, and turning into independent, bold, leaders and farmers of today. These experiences have also changed their position in the household. The case of the Manipur's Rural Women's Upliftment Society shows us that even in societies living under military occupation and violence, agroecology can provide spaces for women to work in solidarity and gain livelihoods, income and support. Such experiences also give women the confidence to do more political work and challenge unjust laws, including customary laws in their communities that they find to be discriminatory towards women. 

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The Dedication of Sardar Sarovar Project Remains Incomplete #Don’tDedicateToMe

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On the day of his birthday, 17th September, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated the Sardar Sarovar Dam, and dedicated this act to the nation. The dam - the second largest in the world - will submerge vast areas of land, displacing thousands of people as a result.

The project has faced decades-long resistance due to the devastating environmental and social impacts resulting from its operation. Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA), a social movement that has mobilized large-scale protests against large dams on the Narmada River, affirms that its struggle will continue. They call on people to unite against this injustice, and to question development that serves corporate interests ahead of its own citizens.   

Below is the press release from the NBA. 

The Dedication of Sardar Sarovar Project Remains Incomplete #Don’tDedicateToMe

Narmada valley Challenges the Falsehood of Narmada Mahtosva

Narmada Bachao Andolan Postpones Jal Zameen Jeevika Haq Satyagraha

Badwani, September 17: We believe that the drama of dedication of the Sardar Sarovar Project to the Nation on Prime Minister’s Birthday was a complete failure. This was evident not only by the fact that except for Gujarat Chief Minister, Vijay Rupani, no one else turned up, as was announced that all BJP ruled CMs will participate. The grand aarti with 2,000 priests from Varanasi who were to come also didn’t turn up finally. We believe this is a victory of our struggles and massive criticism raised from all over the country, decrying this cruelty on his birthday, when 40,000 families are facing submergence in 192 villages of Madhya Pradesh and also in the resettlement sites of Gujarat and Maharashtra.

The ceremony is a failure since SSP remains incomplete, given that more than 50% of the canal networks is incomplete, so does the CAD and CAT and R&R of the PAFs in three states. The failure can’t be hidden because BJP has been in power in Gujarat for close to two decades now. 41,000 KMs long canal network is to be completed for realising the full potential and Prime Minister Narendra Modi can’t blame it on the opposition.

The benefits being touted by the Prime Minister is far fetched since they are all a bunch of lies and propaganda. The 56% electricity to Madhya Pradesh, even if it gets it, the question remains, does MP needs more electricity, and certainly not at the cost of destruction of 192 villages and 1 township. Is it worth it?

When Modi ji is claiming the credit for it, he needs to be reminded of the history that it was Jan Sangh and Madhya Pradesh which challenged the dam when it was first proposed under the banner of Nimad Bachao Andolan in 60s. The claim that for 56 years the dam was stopped, we need to look at the history, since, the foundation stone laid by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru was not for the Dam of today, it was for a much smaller dam of 162 feet height. The present dam, a result of the Narmada Water Dispute Tribunal Award (NWDTA) is 455 feet i.e. 138.68 meters high, declared by the Tribunal after 10 years long enquiry into the serious conflict among 3 riparian states, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Gujarat. The dispute got settled only after the NWDTA award, which till date hasn’t been fully complied with.

The Dam, claimed to be the country’s highest dam or world’s second biggest dam, is only on the basis of the volume of concrete going into the Dam. It is one of the biggest, no doubt and the decision on the same came in December 1979, the date of the Declaration of the Award (NWDTA), not in 1961 as claimed by Modi ji.

Even after the Award the work on the same was soon stopped and the clearance to it, following River valley guidelines of 1993 and Environmental Protection Act, 1986, came only in June 1987. The said clearance too was conditional since studies and plans on not less than 8 critical aspects of the project were not conducted nor completed till now. These conditions included rehabilitation, Flora and Fauna, seismic risks, catchment area treatment, command area development, downstream impacts among others.

In light of all these factual inaccuracies we can only say that, either they are ignorant or wilfully misleading the nation primarily for upcoming Gujarat elections, as has always been done by those in power in Gujarat. It is only as a result of our struggle that for the first time in the history of any dam project at least 11,000 families got land for land, even though 40,000 families remain to get their complete due as per NWDT award and SC judgements.

Sardar Sarovar dam for us is a testimony to the resolve of the people of narmada valley who have fought for more than three decades for justice, people centric development and their rights.  On the other hand, it is also a monument of corruption, government’s apathy and complete disdain for the rule of law on part of the various government’s over the years and judiciary helplessness in implementing their own orders.

Our struggle is also for the farmers of the Gujarat and those on Kutch in whose name all the politics has been played over the years, since neither the canal networks has been completed nor the water is being given to the farmers or those on Kutch. The water is being diverted for coca cola factories and for the car factories and also for the Delhi Mumbai Industrial Corridor (DMIC). It needs to be noted that 60% of Gujarat is under the influence of DMIC.

Thankfully, not everyone is convinced by this lie and drama, since people protested in Varanasi, Bhopal, Indore, Delhi, katni, and even in Baroda and Kevadia, Gujarat. Today, those protesting and exposing this lie were picked up from kevadia colony, right next to the dam, so much for the celebrations.

We would like to ask the Prime Minister that if the question of nation’s sovereignty is important and is invoked when World Bank withdrew funding for the Project in 1993 because of its feasibility and massive social and environmental impacts, then why does he remain silent when the Indian Constitution and rule of law has been violated at every step? Our national sovereignty has been impinged by our own, every time we refused to implement the NWDT award; everytime we didn't follow the SC directive on completion of R&R six months prior to submergence; and every time we denied the legal entitlements of the project affected families. Our national sovereignty is lost when we continue to sacrifice lakhs of poor farmers and adivasis and workers at the altar of development primarily to serve the interests of the corporate houses.

Hence, we wish to convey that our struggle will continue. Prime Minister may want to close the chapter, but it is not, since the people of the Narmada Valley haven’t received their full entitlement and not all is lost. Our loss will be a loss for the people fighting all across the country, who are opposing displacement, submergence and forcible evictions all in the name of development. We call everyone to join us in this struggle all across the country. The question of development at what cost and for whom and what kind of development remains unresolved and we will keep the battle going.

Medha Patkar, Kamla Yadav, Dayaram Yadav, Devram kanera, Mayaram, Mayaram Bhilala, Pannala Patidar, Rahul Yadav and others of Narmada Bachao Andolan

Contact 9179617513 | 9867348307

Please also refer to the factsheets and letters below. 

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A Tribute to Local Food Systems

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According to data compiled by the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), enough food is produced in the world to feed everyone and yet, over 800 million people suffer from hunger, 60 % of who are women (). The 2017 report on The State of Food Insecurity and Nutrition in the World shows that world hunger is rising and the estimated number of undernourished people has increased from 777 million in 2015 to 815 million in 2016. This alarming trend is attributed to a number of factors:  conflicts, wars, natural disasters, climate related shocks, distress migration, famine, financial ability, economic policy, distribution infrastructure, etc. 

Click here to visit our online photo exhibit on Local Food Systems

Hunger and malnutrition are powerful indicators of economic, political, social and gender inequality that have historical roots and inter-generational impacts. They are shocking expressions of the violation of the human right to adequate food in a world of plenty.  Global food production can increase but unless the factors that inhibit or restrict the abilities of people to have sustained access to safe and nutritious food are addressed effectively, hunger and malnutrition will continue to manifest in different forms in rich and poor countries alike. 

Across the world, local food systems play a crucial role in strengthening local availability of food through production, foraging/gathering, preservation, distribution, sharing and local markets.  Many of these systems are under threat from corporate agri-food complexes, industrial agriculture, monocultures, destruction of biodiverse eco-systems, wars and occupations, and corporate/elite capture of land, water and natural wealth. On World Food Day, we salute the women, men and communities who are the backbone of local food systems. We recognize their vital contributions to fighting hunger and malnutrition, and to maintaining diversity of diets and cuisines through generations of innovation and adaptation to changing conditions. This online photo exhibition pays homage to local food systems in Asia and the people and communities that shape them.

Focus on the Global South
Date of publication: 
Sun, 2017-10-15

Report Launch- SEZs and Value Extraction from the Mekong: A Case Study on the Control and Exploitation of Land and Labour in Cambodia and Myanmar's Special Economic Zones

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Event Date & Time: 
Fri, 2017-10-20 08:30

 

 

Invitation to Report Launch on: 

 SEZs and Value Extraction from the Mekong: A Case Study on the Control and Exploitation of Land and Labour in Cambodia and Myanmars Special Economic Zones

08:30 - 12:00

October 20th, 2017

Venue: Best Western Green Hill Hotel, No. 12 Po Sein Road, Tamwe Township, Yangon, Myanmar

Background

Special Economic Zones (SEZs) have been built worldwide since the 1960s to facilitate global free trade and integrate developing countries into global production and distribution networks, and have been mushrooming in Southeast Asia in recent years. They remain controversial, and are attracting growing interest from policy makers, investors, civil society, and the general public. Supporters praise them for spurring foreign investment, creating jobs, building infrastructure, and helping host countries to diversify their economies; critics argue that they entail more costs than benefits, negatively impact local communities, undermine workers’ rights, and cause environmental harm and degradation. Asking why, and to what end, SEZs are being developed in the Mekong, this report develops two case studies of special economic zones in Cambodia and Myanmar, of the incentives and assurance offered to investors weighed against the protection and benefits to local communities, workers, and the environment.[1]

Chair: Dr. Kyaw Thu, Executive Director of Paung Ku

Speakers

  • Shalmali Guttal, Executive Director of Focus on the Global South
  • Dr. Charlie Thame, Faculty of Political Science, Thammasat University of Thailand

Commentators

  • Ms. Sophorn Yang, President of Cambodian Alliance of Trade Unions (CATU)
  • Mr. An Rama, Project Coordinator of Cambodian Labour Confederation (CLC)
  • Ms. Chhorn Sokha, Head of Organizing Unit of Centre for Alliance of Labour and Human Rights (CENTRAL)
  • Ms. Su Su Swe a member of Central Executive Committee of Tovayan Women’s Union
  • Mr. Soe Shwe, Myanmar SEZ Watch (Kyauk Phyu SEZ)
  • Mr. Thant Zin, Executive director of Dawei Development Association (DDA) 

Organisers: Paung Ku, Dawei Development Association, Tavoyan Women’s Union, SEZ Watch Myanmar, Earth Rights International – Myanmar, and Focus on the Global South

Supported by Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung Southeast Asia   

Programme:

8:00 – 9:00:    Registration

9:00 – 9:10:    Welcome 

9:10 – 9:30:    An Overview of Large-scale Investment in the Mekong Region

9:30 – 10:00:  Presentation of the key findings from the report SEZs and Value Extraction from the Mekong: A Case Study on the Control and Exploitation of Land and Labour in Cambodia and Myanmars Special Economic Zones

10:00 – 10:40: Responses from panel of commentators  

10:40 – 12:00:            Open forum for press and media

12:00 – 12:10:            Summing up and closing

Note:  This report launch will be conducted in English, with simultaneous translation in Burmese. Copies of the full report will be available in English, with a summary of the key findings available in both English and Burmese.

Light refreshments will be provided.



[1] Charlie Thame, July 2017, SEZs and Value Extraction from the Mekong: A Case Study on the Control and Exploitation of Land and Labour in Cambodia and Myanmar’s Special Economic Zones.  

 

Contact Person and Details: 

For enquiries, contact: Ms. Zin Marwin - sshlaing@paungkumyanmar.org Mobile (+95) 92 013 002, Mr Bo Bo - bobo@earthrights.org Mobile (+95) 92 5026 7025, and/or Sophea Chrek - c.sophea@focusweb.org

SEZs and Value Extraction from the Mekong: A Case Study on the Control and Exploitation of Land and Labour in Cambodia and Myanmar's Special Economic Zones

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Executive Summary 

Special Economic Zones (SEZs) have been built worldwide since the 1960s to facilitate global free trade and integrate developing countries into global production and distribution networks, and have been mushrooming in Southeast Asia in recent years. They remain controversial, and are attracting growing interest from policy makers, investors, civil society, and the general public. Supporters praise them for spurring foreign investment, creating jobs, building infrastructure, and helping host countries to diversify their economies; critics argue that they entail more costs than benefits, negatively impact local communities, undermine workers’ rights, and cause environmental harm and degradation. Asking why, and to what end, SEZs are being developed in the Mekong, this study develops two case studies of special economic zones in Cambodia and Myanmar, of the incentives and assurances offered to investors weighed against the protection and benefits to local communities, workers, and the environment.

It finds that SEZs have played a central role in the Greater Mekong Subregion Economic Cooperation Scheme (GMS-ECP) since the mid-1990s, a regional integration and development model of the Asian Development Bank (ADB); and are being integrated into China’s One Belt, One Road initiative. Although generous enticements and guarantees are offered to investors, similar commitments have not been extended to locals. While national and international laws and standards pertaining to land, labour rights, and environmental protection officially apply to SEZs, they have not been implemented effectively. SEZs have been developed with limited transparency and locals have been displaced without proper consultation and adequate redress. Workers face obstacles protecting rights they are entitled to under domestic and international law, and have been violently supressed for asserting them. Environmental impact assessments have not always met international standards, and environmental regulations have been enforced selectively in some zones.   

The study concludes that the legislative and governance structures covering the development and operation of SEZs have been skewed toward the interests of investors and against those of locals and the environment. It contends that SEZs have been used as tools enabling investors to capture and exploit Cambodia and Myanmar’s most productive assets, their land and labour, and are facilitating the financial extraction of value from the Mekong. It also suggests that weaknesses in SEZ governance structures, and the lack of transparency and accountability in the development and administration of the zones, are heightening the risk of capture of the state by political and economic elites: whereby public power may be exercised for private gain, and preferential treatment for certain individuals or firms is woven into the institutional framework of a state.

Affirming that SEZs are essentially policy tools that can be wielded to different ends using various means, the study recommends that: 1. SEZ legislative and governance framework be revised to mediate interests of investors and locals more sustainably and fairly; 2. Governments reduce their reliance on foreign investments in land and labour intensive industries, and instead invest in local industries and public infrastructure; 3. Governments meet international standards of transparency and accountability in SEZ investment and governance arrangements to mitigate the threat of capture of the state and minimize further financial extraction of value from the region; 4. Civil society continue to work with communities affected by SEZs and engage with public officials and the private sector, as well as holding misfeasors to account. Civil society could also develop new strategies to deal with more recalcitrant stakeholders, to contribute to a more equitable and liveable region for its inhabitants.

 

 

 

 

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Press Release: Report Launch - “Special Economic Zones (SEZs) and Value Extraction from the Mekong: A Case Study on the Control and Exploitation of Land and Labour in Cambodia and Myanmar SEZs”

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For Immediate release

“Special Economic Zones (SEZs) and Value Extraction from the Mekong: A Case Study on the Control and Exploitation of Land and Labour
 in Cambodia and Myanmar SEZs”

Co-organized by: Paung Ku, Dawei Development Association (DDA), Tavoyan Women’s Union (TWU), Myanmar SEZs’Watch, EarthRights International – Myanmar (ERI), and Focus on the Global South (Focus). Supported by Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung Southeast Asia. 

Friday 20 October 2017, Yangon, Myanmar – “Special Economic Zones (SEZs) and Value Extraction from the Mekong: A Case Study on the Control and Exploitation of Land and Labour in Cambodia and Myanmar SEZs,” includes studies of special economic zones in Cambodia and Myanmar, especially of the incentives and assurances offered to investors weighed against the protection and benefits to local communities, workers, and the environment.

The report is the result of a year long process, where a scoping study was conducted to guide the study. The study is based on desk reviews of existing literature, and interviews with government officials, investors, garment manufacturer association representatives, bank representatives, a National Human Rights Commissioner, NGOs working on SEZs and investment, and representatives from unions and labour organizations.

Summary of the report[1]

Special Economic Zones (SEZs) have been built worldwide since the 1960s to facilitate global free trade and integrate developing countries into global production and distribution networks, and have been mushrooming in Southeast Asia in recent years. They remain controversial, and are attracting growing interest from policy makers, investors, civil society, and the general public. Supporters praise them for spurring foreign investment, creating jobs, building infrastructure, and helping host countries to diversify their economies; critics argue that they entail more costs than benefits, negatively impact local communities, undermine workers’ rights, and cause environmental harm and degradation.

The study finds that SEZs have played a central role in the Greater Mekong Subregion Economic Cooperation Scheme (GMS-ECP) since the mid-1990s, a regional integration and development model of the Asian Development Bank (ADB); and are being integrated into China’s One Belt, One Road initiative. Although generous enticements and guarantees are offered to investors, similar commitments have not been extended to locals. While national and international laws and standards pertaining to land, labour rights, and environmental protection officially apply to SEZs, they have not been implemented effectively. SEZs have been developed with limited transparency and locals have been displaced without proper consultation and adequate redress. Workers face obstacles protecting rights they are entitled to under domestic and international law, and have been violently supressed for asserting them. Environmental impact assessments have not always met international standards, and environmental regulations have been enforced selectively in some zones.

The study concludes that the legislative and governance structures covering the development and operation of SEZs have been skewed toward the interests of investors and against those of locals and the environment. It contends that SEZs have been used as tools enabling investors to capture and exploit Cambodia and Myanmar’s most productive assets, their land and labour, and are facilitating the financial extraction of value from the Mekong. It also suggests that weaknesses in SEZ governance structures, and the lack of transparency and accountability in the development and administration of the zones, are heightening the risk of capture of the state by political and economic elites: whereby public power may be exercised for private gain, and preferential treatment for certain individuals or firms is woven into the institutional framework of a state.

According to Shalmali Guttal, an executive director of Focus on the Global South, “SEZs have been in existence globally for more than two decades and there is plenty of evidence to show their impacts on the rights of workers and local communities. Also, the model of growth and development that SEZs advance have huge climate footprints. It is alarming that the interests of investors continue to be protected at the cost of people and the environment. Economic growth cannot continue to be promoted without a proper assessment of costs and benefits.”

“The first impact of SEZ faced by the community is the loss of land as well as their livelihoods. Democratic Governments need to carefully examine the long term impact of big investment projects on peace building, social justice and federal union” Kyaw Thu, the executive director of Paung Ku.

“Without right process, such a mega investment project cannot contribute positive impact and it will create more conflicts in our area. We are very worry that the local government will go ahead without listening to peoples’ concerns, particularly women.” Su Su of Tavoyan Women’s Union.

Report’s Recommendations

  1. SEZ legislative and governance framework be revised to mediate interests of investors and locals more sustainably and fairly;
  2. Governments reduce their reliance on foreign investments in land and labour intensive industries, and instead invest in local industries and public infrastructure;
  3. Governments meet international standards of transparency and accountability in SEZ investment and governance arrangements to mitigate the threat of capture of the state and minimize further financial extraction of value from the region;
  4. Civil society continue to work with communities affected by SEZs and engage with public officials and the private sector, as well as holding misfeasors to account. Civil society could also develop new strategies to deal with more recalcitrant stakeholders, to contribute to a more equitable and liveable region for its inhabitants.

###

Media contact:

Zin Mar Win (Susan), Paung Ku – Myanmar
Tel: 092 013 002 | Email: zmwin@paungkumyanmar.org Bo Bo, Earth Right – Myanmar
Tel: 092 5026 7025 |Email: bobo@earthrights.org Sophea Chrek, Focus on the Global South
Tel: 097 8828 6847 | Email: c.sophea@focusweb.org

 



[1] SEZs and Value Extraction in the Mekong: A Case Study on the Control and Exploitation of Land and Labour in Cambodia and Myanmar Special Economic Zones (SEZs), Charlie Thame. Focus on the Global South, July 2017

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From Streets & Communities to Halls of Power, Women Mobilize to Dismantle Corporate Power

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Hundreds of representatives of social movements from across the world converged in Geneva to challenge corporate power and reclaim people's sovereignty. Dubbed as the “People's Week of Mobilizations, the Global Campaign to Dismantle Corporate Power, Reclaim People’s Sovereignty and Stop Corporate Impunity,” these groups organized a series of workshops, side events, and interventions inside and outside the United Nations, October 21-27. A key campaign was the collective push for a legally binding treaty that will compel transnational corporations (TNCs) and other business enterprises to respect human rights and nature, exact accountability from corporations, and sanction them for corporate crimes and other human rights violations. If adopted, this treaty will be a strong departure from the existing national and international human rights treaties and resolutions that only allow voluntary compliance by TNCs and rely on corporate social responsibility.

Coming from Asia, North and South America, and Europe, various grassroots communities, activists, campaigners, women, farmers, indigenous peoples, and workers shared common stories of horrors, tragedies, exploitations, resulting from corporate actions and their impunity allowing them to get away with these. Aurelia Martina Arzu Rochez from Honduras recounted their struggles to defend their lands and territories from extractives and mining companies. Aurelia belongs to the black indigenous communities of Carifura that have suffered historical injustices and racism from the Honduran government.

“I will never stop protecting our rivers, lands, and human rights for our children. Victims will never stop fighting for their common wealth,” Aurelia said.

From across the Pacific, Kholiso Alin of WALHI Indonesia lamented how oil palm companies have encroached on indigenous peoples’ lands and have exploited farm workers through dire labor conditions, depressed wages, and back-breaking work. In South Korea, Hyungdae Park, a farmer from the Korean Peasant League and member of the international peasant movement La Via Campesina, narrated the unjust free trade policy that forces the South Korean government to buy 10 percent of imported rice from the US and EU despite the capacity of small farmers to produce and provide rice for the entire population.

“We are more than capable of achieving rice self-sufficiency. Rice is a political crop for us. With free trade agreements and the World Trade Organization, small farmers are forced into indebtedness and many of them have committed suicide in the process,” Park explained.

These stories and many more speak about the architecture of corporate impunity and the overwhelming power of TNCs in defining and dictating the development paths of countries in the global North and the global South at the expense of peoples’ and local communities’ rights, livelihoods, self-determination, and well-being. The common narrative is that international and national laws and policies have failed to bring corporations that violate human rights to justice and, as such, have also denied victims their access to justice and redress. Various institutional and policy processes and mechanisms such as privatization, free trade and investment agreements, and IFI financing of destructive and extractivist projects have fostered corporate culture of impunity and immunity.

But affected communities, victims and social movements are also rising up, mobilizing, and empowering themselves against corporate power.

Grassroots women in the frontlines

“TNCs arrived in Mozambique and started grabbing our lands. There was a project which bids to occupy 14 million hectares of land. This is under the pretext of carrying out a development project. TNCs are extracting minerals and resources we don’t need.” said Suzete Marques, a feminist and grassroots activist from the international feminist movement, World March of Women. Suzete was among more than 50 women and men activists who gathered in a workshop on women’s struggles organized by the World March and other feminist organizations.  

Women, particularly rural, black, and indigenous, are mostly affected by extractivist projects and experience a range of gender-based violence, rape, trafficking, prostitution, and harassments from mining companies and security forces. Similarly, women workers in garment factories in the global South that produce for global brands such as H&M, GAP, etc. struggle to ensure fair wages.

“Women in Cambodia are not paid well, they are not able to socialize and participate in decision making, also suffer depressed wages, Women workers in the garment factories fight for fair wages and living conditions. In the rural areas, land grabbing by Asian and western corporations violate women’s rights to land and the commons. They are forcefully evicted from their lands, migrate to the urban center and work in factories. The cycle of exploitation never ends” said Ros Sokunthy of Focus on the Global South.

Meanwhile, according to Marianna Fernandes of World March of Women-Brazil, “what’s worse is that these brands sell shirts saying feminism, while they employ women in bad working conditions and violate their rights in the global South. We denounce this corporate capture of feminism by global brands like H&M.”

In Latin America, there are on-going processes of empowerment through political education and art. In Brazil, for example, about 7,000-8,000 women have participated in gatherings, mobilizations in the streets, and movement building (when). “TNCs are now scared of our women who are fighting against them,” said Tchenna Fernandes Maso of La Via Campesina. 

In another part of the globe, South African movements have embarked on a Permanent People’s Tribunal, which is a convergence space for struggles across the country. It has been an importance space for making visible women’s voices, struggles, and experiences, and “a powerful space of claiming justice from below.” In Asia (?), Palestinian organizations have come together to collectively fight corporations legitimizing Israel’s illegal occupation of Palestine, thereby perpetrating women’s oppression.

“There are many Israeli companies, some US and EU companies that are violating Palestinian rights, we need to hold them accountable, denounce them, and take them to court,” expressed by Maren Mantovani of Stop the Wall Campaign.

There have also been initiatives toward food sovereignty as an alternative practice and paradigm to corporate-led development. 

According to Karin Nansen of Friend of the Earth-Uruguay, “food sovereignty of women is about our struggle to control over seeds and food production. Seeds are threatened by privatization. We defend our seeds as a strategy of resistance. We build new relations between the working class and the peasantry based on the fight for sovereignty. TNCs are taking over our food systems and denying our fundamental rights to health and food. Food sovereignty is therefore about defending democracy against neoliberalism and this requires popular feminism. The system cannot change without dismantling patriarchy. This is a basic requirement for the system to change.”

* Mary Ann Manahan is a Filipina feminist activist, researcher and campaigner with Focus on the Global South and a member of the World March of Women-Philippines. 

Focus on the Global South
Date of publication: 
Thu, 2017-11-09

VIDEO: End Impunity Now!

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Special Feature: 

In Asia today, the list of the disappeared, murdered, assaulted, harassed, imprisoned, and tortured continues to grow. The cases here are just a few of what have been documented, and with these Focus and the Global South and iDefend Philippines would like to add to the voices calling for end to impunity.


Criminalization and Shrinking Space for Civil Society*

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Across Asia, we are seeing the repression, denial, abuse and violation of rights of peoples and communities through criminalization, intimidation, disappearances, violence, and even murder. 

As we enter this discussion, it is important to ask who are the targets of criminalization and violence, what spaces are shrinking, and for whom spaces are shrinking.  Not all civil society actors are affected in the same way.

The most direct and frequent targets of criminalization and violent trends are community and labor organisers; grassroots activists; small-scale food producers, their movements and organisations, and lawyers, students, journalists, activists, and organisations who support frontline communities and social movements.

Governments, state institutions such as the police and military, corporations, non-state actors such as militia and private security, and different social groups and economic classes, are key actors in criminalization and rights repression processes as both perpetrators and supporters. We are witnessing the entrenchment of a powerful nexus of political and business interests, and increased synergy between capitalism, extractivism, and political repression, packaged and presented as “development.” Also, class dimensions are important factors in enabling and strengthening this nexus.

Narratives of economic growth, progress, nation building, national security, social stability, peace, reconciliation, and even happiness are used as justifications by governments and their societal supporters to silence dissent and opposition. Protests against economic exploitation are often framed as political crimes. Those who resist or even speak out against land grabbing, deforestation, mining, dams, racially or religiously motivated violence, rape and sexual abuse of women, human rights violations and social-cultural injustice, can be branded as anti-national, dissidents, and threats to national security.

Corporations are increasingly using multi-stakeholder (MSH) spaces to convince civil society organisations (CSOs) to support their so called “win-win” strategies, offering financial and other incentives through Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR), and publicly distancing themselves from repression, violence, and criminalization. Many CSOs that participate in these spaces/processes enter into partnerships with corporations and donors, tacitly supporting corporations and enlarging their spheres of influence. Space is certainly not shrinking for these CSOs. At the same time, there is no real change in the operational practices of corporations and no real accountability on their part in human rights abuses. Instead, corporations and capital become more powerful because they get CSO support, while challenges to corporate captures of resources by grassroots peoples and social movements are undermined.

Criminalization generally happens through different legal and judicial means. Most common are changing existing laws/decrees, or making new laws/decrees that make it illegal for people/communities to organize, protest, march, demonstrate, form associations and organizations, live and practice traditional livelihoods, and critique public policies, corporate operations. Courts and judicial systems are also manipulated so that people facing repression, threats ,and violence do not get protection or justice.

Where legal, judicial, and administrative mechanisms are ineffective, those in power resort to direct threats, violence, enforced disappearance, extra judicial killings (EJKs), and murder through the military, para-military, police, vigilante mobs, and private contractors.  Most times, perpetrators go free because of their association with people in power.  Even when the actual perpetrators who shoot the gun or hold the knife are caught, those that masterminded and ordered the attacks remain virtually untouchable; they remain free to plan, order more violence, and perpetuate threats and criminalization.

In Thailand, communities living in forest areas are being sued by the government for causing climate change. In Cambodia, a new law severely restricts the rights of local communities, workers, and activists to organize.  In India, Thailand, Cambodia, government officials, corporations and business tycoons sue CSOs, journalists, and even academics for ‘defamation’ and spreading false news if they are publicly challenged or criticized. In India, Pakistan, Philippines and Cambodia, communities resisting land grabbing are harassed and evicted, often violently.  In the Philippines, the so-called “war against drugs” has become a war against the poor and rights defenders, as well as opportunism for those with power to eliminate people they perceive as threats to their interests.

At a broader level, corporate interests are assured through investor protection clauses in bilateral and regional investment agreements or economic partnership agreements. Corporations covered by these agreements can seek legal recourse through Investor-State Dispute Settlement or other arbitration mechanisms. However, such protections are not available for local communities and populations whose own investments and livelihoods are destroyed by corporate investments.

Criminalization is closely tied to occupation and militarization of lands and territories, the imposition of martial law, and the use of national emergency measures, national security legislation and anti-terrorism laws.  In such situations, usual legal safeguards for people are suspended, and those who defend human rights are presented as threats to national security and denied due legal process. If people are identified by the state as security threats, they can be held for months and years without contact with their families and access to lawyers, and are vulnerable to mental and physical torture.

Possible strategies to address these trends

End the impunity of perpetrators.  Criminalization, violence, repression, extra-judicial killings, and murder are made possible by state and non-state perpetrators acting together with the impunity of political and financial power. This impunity must be ended. We must join hands across nations, societies, political affiliations, and classes to challenge and end state, non-state, and corporate impunity. Institutions, structures, and systems of justice must be reclaimed by people to actually deliver justice and protection for everyone, especially those who are vulnerable and facing repression; they should not be allowed to be manipulated by those with wealth and political power.

Build public support against criminalization and violence trends. Again, it does not matter which social, religious, or economic group we belong to: violence, rape, assault, abuse of power, repression, etc. are simply not acceptable. The assurance and protection of the rights of people and communities are fundamental to our vision—there is no negotiation on this point.

Put faces and names to victims and to the perpetrators: the reality of this violence and repression, and the dangerous impunity of perpetrators must come home to all of us, and push us to acknowledge that each person and life are important. Perpetrators must be held legally accountable whether they are state agencies, militias, private security, elites or corporations, and whether they fire the guns, order the killings, bribe officials or grab lands/resources.  The roles of corporations in the escalation of assaults on the rights of peoples and communities must be made visible; their hands are not clean and they must be held legally accountable.

Challenge narratives of development, progress, economic growth, nationalism and nation-building, stability, security, racial-cultural purity and belonging, narrow interpretations of culture-tradition, etc. that are used to justify criminalization, repression, violence, EJKs, murder, and rape and sexual assaults.

Monitor and challenge how conventional and social media are being used by the state, corporations and their societal supporters to justify violence and repression through narratives of nationalism, culturalism, fear, prejudice, etc.

*Presentation by Shalmali Guttal during the opening plenary of the Civil Society Forum at the Committee for World Food Security, October 7, 2017. 
Focus on the Global South
Date of publication: 
Fri, 2017-11-10

Annual Report 2016

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Focus in 2016 initiated and engaged more vigorously in endeavors that challenged the impunity of state and non-state actors in the region. One of the main approaches in doing this was working closely with human rights organizations and networks of rights defenders and activists. The Focus team from all offices joined protests and mobilizations in solidarity with grassroots communities, social movements, and other civil society organizations. We raised awareness on the increasing criminalization of, and violence against, activists and human rights defenders in the Asia region through our End Impunity Campaign and first edition of our End Impunity Newsletter. 


We supported farmers, fisherfolk, urban poor, and workers in defending their rights, whether by providing them with timely analysis, political education, and legal/material support, and by drafting/translating statements and declarations especially through our national programs in Thailand, Cambodia, the Philippines and India, as well as by marching with them in protest actions. 


Aside from giving support to other organizations and movements, we organized our own forums, gatherings, conferences, with themes/ issues ranging from discussions of Humanity and Nature and what is happening to our forests, to workshops on agroecology, and strategy meetings on trade and investment. We strengthened our campaigns at national and regional levels against multilateral and bilateral free trade agreements such as RCEP and the EU-Philippines FTA, and built greater popular resistance against the Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS).


Knowledge outputs were key in our work to raise awareness of social, political, economic, and ecological issues. We wrote numerous articles and produced and disseminated publications throughout the year.  Improvement of the content of the Focus website and social media platforms was also a priority to better disseminate our analyses and advocacies we support, and our work and staff were featured on a number of news media platforms (internet, broadcast/television) throughout the year. 


We were also resource persons/speakers in a number of public events and with a range of audiences, including at the World Social Forum, ASEAN Peoples’ Forum, Asia-Europe Peoples’ Forum and 17 conferences nationally, regionally, and internationally. 

Annual Report

End Impunity video project of Focus & iDefend to Receive Award

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For its video on the situation of human rights in Asia, human rights violations in the form of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances, Focus will receive a human rights award; the video received the most likes and share among the participants/contenders. The awards night is on December 1, 2017.

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Special Feature: 

India Programme Officer

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Focus on the Global South was founded in 1995 and is based in the Chulalongkorn University Social Research Institute (CUSRI) in Bangkok, Thailand. Focus is a non-profit, policy analysis, research and campaigning organisation, working in national, regional and international coalitions and campaigns, with peoples’ movements, grassroots and other civil society organisations, policy makers and academics on key issues confronting the global south. With offices in New Delhi, Manila, Phnom Penh and Bangkok, Focus’ main aims are to challenge neoliberalism and corporate-driven globalisation while strengthening just and equitable alternatives.

Focus is registered in India as a Public Trust. The main areas of work of Focus India are trade, agriculture, food sovereignty and agroecology. Focus India seeks a Programme Officer to strengthen its existing programme and expand programme activities into related areas.

JOB PURPOSE

  • Help develop, manage and implement a programme of research on agro-ecology and sustainable agriculture and food systems;
  • Contribute to the development and implementation of projects for Focus India Programme;
  • Conduct and disseminate research;
  • Support the development of effective advocacy and strong social movements.

KEY RESPONSIBILITIES

  • Contribute to the development, coordination and implementation of research and campaigning related to agriculture (agro-ecological farming) and commons (Land, Water, Forests).
  • In consultation with relevant Focus staff, conceptualise, develop and implement programme activities including, for example:
  • Undertake specific research and/or policy analysis;
  • Prepare working papers, policy briefs and other research outputs;
  • Organise meetings and events
  • Serve as a resource person for training and capacity building activities organised by Focus or its partners/ allies;
  • Strengthen Focus’ relationships with its key allies and build relationships with new allies;
  • Actively participate and contribute to Focus’ broader team processes;
  • Contribute to the effective management of project budgets and expenditure;
  • Assist in preparing funding proposals and reports;
  • Ensure project activities are reviewed and critically assessed on a regular basis.

SKILLS AND COMPETENCIES

  • Post Graduate studies in Social Sciences or Rural Development; or equivalent non-formal education and work experience;
  • In-depth knowledge of one or more of the following issues: Agro-ecology and Sustainable Agriculture; Commons;
  • Demonstrable experience of conducting research (developing research methodologies and approaches, designing research projects, establishing research collaborations) etc. on issues related to food and agriculture; Commons
  • Good knowledge of Indian policy frameworks, agreements and initiatives affecting food and agriculture, climate change and common pool resources;
  • Experience of writing and editing for a range of audiences including narrative reports, briefing papers, campaign materials, and proposals;
  • Demonstrated ability to manage projects independently, including planning, budget management, communication, financial reporting, monitoring and evaluation;
  • Good understanding of social movements in the relevant sub-region and national/ sub-regional/ regional political actors;
  • A consultative, participative and gender-sensitive approach to work;
  • Excellent written and verbal English and fluency in at least one other Indian language
  • Minimum 3-5 years of experience in research, policy advocacy and campaigns;
  • Ability to multi-task, working under pressure and set priorities. A track record of delivering on time and on budget;
  • A history of activism and strong commitment to social justice;
  • Excellent team work skills and the ability to build good relations both internally and externally;
  • Willingness to travel extensively, as required.

REPORTING LINES

Research Officer will report directly to the Focus India Head of Office; secondary supervision will be conducted by Focus’ Executive Director.

TERMS AND CONDITIONS OF EMPLOYMENT

This post is based in New Delhi. It is offered initially for one year with a three-month probationary period. The job carries the possibility to be developed into a longer-term position, based on two-year renewable contracts, dependent on performance and available funding.

Interested candidates should email their biodata with a brief covering letter and writing sample at jobs@focusweb.org by 25th December 2017. Please state India Programme Officer application in the subject line of the email. Focus will respond only to short-listed candidates.

Country Programmes: 
Applications due: 
Monday, December 25, 2017

Thailand Programme Officer

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Background

Focus on the Global South (Focus) is a non-governmental organisation with offices in Thailand, Cambodia, the Philippines and India. Focus combines policy research, advocacy, activism and grassroots capacity building to generate critical analysis and debates among social movements, civil society organisations (CSOs), elected officials, government functionaries and the public on national and international policies related to corporate-led globalisation, neoliberalism and militarisation. 

The Thailand Programme Officer will support the development and implementation of the organization’s programmes. In Thailand, Focus works with social movements, CSOs, and academics on land, natural resources, human rights, democracy, trade, and investment.  Among others, Focus contributes to strengthening analysis on those issues, provides spaces for dialogues and discussion, and supports struggles of social movements and local communities. The post holder must initiate, support and, where necessary, lead innovative projects that are in line with the organization’s overall goals and programme.

Key Responsibilities: Under the supervision of the Focus Executive Director and as part of Mekong programme, the Thailand Programme Officer will:

  • Work with other Focus staff to plan, implement and coordinate activities in Thailand and the Mekong region, in line with Focus’ core thematic programmes.
  • Build collaborative relationships with social movements and other civil society actors, and policy makers in Thailand.
  • Initiate and support partners/allies in conducting research, analyses and advocacy
  • Develop and promote critical analyses of national and regional contexts, and use these analyses to support advocacy work in Thailand and the Mekong region.  
  • Disseminate Focus’ analyses through popular education activities, papers and outreach materials.
  • Represent Focus in meetings, conferences and workshops, and to visitors as needed.
  • Assist the Programme Development Officer and Finance Officer in managing budgets and implementing appropriate financial controls.
  • Assist the Executive Director and Programme Development Officer in developing funding proposals, identifying potential sources of funding, and maintaining good relationships with donors.
  • Work with Focus’ Communications Officer in the promotion of Focus ideas and analysis, and help in outreach strategies for the programme.

Qualifications

  • Thai national with minimum three years work experience in Thailand, preferably with social movements, grassroots CSOs, networks and local/national activists.
  • Good understanding of socio-economic, political and ecological conditions, and processes of change in Thailand and other Mekong countries.
  • Strong analytical, conceptual and strategic thinking skills, capacity for research and ability to prioritize work issues to meet deadlines.
  • Strong communication skills with verbal and written fluency in Thai and English.
  • Ability to work in politically challenging environments and conditions.
  • A consultative, participative and gender-sensitive approach to work.
  • Commitment to Focus’ values and ethos, a history of activism and a strong commitment to social justice.
  • Sensitivity to cultural differences and the proven ability to work in different cultural contexts. Excellent teamwork skills and the ability to build good relations both internally and externally.

This is a full-time position based at Focus’ Bangkok office. The post offers a salary commensurate with experience and comparable to those of other regional organisations.

Applications should be in English and include a cover letter, CV, writing samples both in Thai and English and contact details of at least two referees. Please send applications to jobs@focusweb.org with “Thailand Programme Officer” in the subject line by 15 January 2018. 

Country Programmes: 
Applications due: 
Monday, January 15, 2018

Five years on, 122 organizations worldwide demand to know: “Where is Sombath?”

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December 15th, 2017 - On the fifth anniversary of the enforced disappearance of Lao civil society leader Sombath Somphone, we, the undersigned organizations, express outrage at the Lao government’s failure to independently, impartially, effectively, and transparently investigate Sombath’s disappearance, reveal his whereabouts, and return him to his family.

 

To read more, please visit: https://www.sombath.org/en/2017/12/five-years-on-122-organizations-worldwide-demand-to-know-where-is-sombath/

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Country Programmes: 

Basta ya! WTO: People Choose Sovereignty

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Focus on the Global South, Statement on the failure of MC11 in Buenos Aires
 

The failure of the WTO talks in Buenos Aires to produce any substantial outcome is a victory for the people. This is a clear and significant pushback against the WTO and its anti-development, expansionist agenda.


Focus on the Global South joins numerous peoples’ movements against the WTO and free trade across the world in celebrating the collapse of the talks as a setback to the neoliberal, corporate driven project of economic globalisation.


We saw in Buenos Aires the same “my way or no way” attitude of the biggest players.  We are one with diverse popular movements indenouncing the unilateralism of the United States and the jingoism of the Trump administration, which continue to impede meaningful discussion on critical issues such as public food procurement, remunerative prices for small scale farmers, safeguards against agricultural dumping and price volatility in developing countries. That the end of the MC11 talks came by way of the US rejection of the proposed permanent solution concerning food security, only underscores the utter disregard of some wealthy nations to issues of interest for developing countries.

We must also reject however, the multilateralism of the WTO that for the last two decades has overseen an aggressive agenda of economic liberalization, and the construction of global trade rules that have further exacerbated global inequities and weakened the capacities of states--particularly in poor countries--to advance trade in the context of their own development objectives. The multilateralism of the WTO demonstrates a huge democratic deficit, where decision-making is concentrated in the hands of a few rich and powerful countries that dictate the trade agenda backed by the interests of transnational corporations.


The 11th Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization started with an impassioned plea from the Conference Chair and host, Argentinian Commerce Minister Susanna Malcorra, to "engage with their citizens and make the case for the positive benefits trade brings for economic growth and development." However, days prior to the opening of the conference, the headlines were about the decision of the Macri government in Argentina to ban several civil society organisations to the MC11 for supposedly "violent tendencies." Having failed now to produce even a Ministerial Declaration, the story in Buenos Aires is that of an institution that has clearly lost touch with the realities, needs and aspirations of the people.


A contrast in ending. Despair at  the MC 11 (above) and hope at the Peoples Summit (below).Photo courtesy of Javier Echaide.


The push for new issues


A number of new issues were pushed in Buenos Aires by wealthy countries while long standing commitments towards equity remained sidelined. Foremost was a push for new trade rules to govern the trillion-dollar global e-commerce market. There is a mad scramble among the biggest e-commerce companies to establish rules in the WTO that will guarantee their competitiveness and lock-in their advantages.  However, what is needed by the majority are trade rules with stricter domestic regulations on investments that safeguard the interest of the poor and marginalized, not rules that favor big corporations. For developing countries still struggling for basic necessities such as water and electricity, and where citizens still fight off hunger and diseases on a daily basis, the demands for just trade rules are anchored on the fulfillment of such basic needs rather than the quest to secure more profits for corporations.


The old question of development


The fiction of the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) round--that it could be an instrument for development, and that somehow through implementing the Doha commitments the WTO can be reformed to address fundamental problems of inequity and poverty--should once and for all be laid to rest, buried under the rubble of 20 years of failed promises.


In 2001, the so called “development agenda” was dangled and used to bring developing countries on board to what was essentially a new round of further trade liberalization. But as many of us have consistently asserted over the last 16 years, the Doha Development agenda never was, nor will it ever be about development.  The fact that developing countries still had to fight to defend their rights to protect agriculture, food security, public health and access to medicines in Buenos Aires in 2017 dramatizes the bankruptcy of the WTO and the Doha round of talks.


It is a mistake to see the Doha round as a fight over whether the interests of developing countries can be discussed under the ambit of the WTO in the wake of a more ambitious and expanded trade and investment agenda. The Doha package does not contain the demands of peoples across the world and the Doha round has been a defensive fight for developing countries from day one of those talks. It is now time for developing countries to take the offensive in the name of peoples’ sovereignty and development.


In the lead-up to MC11 in Buenos Aires, the development agenda acquired new names: MSMEs, women and development, fisheries subsidies, investment facilitation for development, all of these were nothing more than attempts to whitewash the deeply rooted corporate agenda. As these new issues surfaced, earlier ones were further buried. Agriculture will always be a central terrain of the struggle in the WTO.  The direction that the Doha round negotiations took on agriculture over the past years is clear proof of the anti-development nature of the talks and of the WTO. Agriculture negotiations have increasingly sought to undermine the rights of peasants, erode the capacity of states to promote rural development and agriculture, and weaken local food systems in favor of corporate, commercialized agriculture for corporations.


Peoples’ resistance and alternatives


The collapse of the WTO talks amidst growing frustration and pessimism of Member States is a huge contrast to the hope and optimism that characterized discussions at the Peoples Summit in Buenos Aires. There, unity and consensus were forged around a common statement outlining the resolve to continue to build and strengthen popular movements; to support common struggles; to resist the neoliberal agenda on all fronts, and; to develop and enrich peoples’ alternatives.  The failure of the WTO in Buenos Aires gives us the momentum to move forward.

 
Campaigns & Programmes: 

Climate Smart or Corporate Smart Agriculture

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For majority of peasants and indigenous people in India and around the world, climate change is a dreadful reality that has drastically altered their and rendered them vulnerable to hunger, poverty and deprivation. Even at the best of times, millions of them live on the edge, surviving on paltry income. Climate change has forced many to go hungry, abandon or sell their meagre land holdings, force them to migrate to urban slums searching for work. After experiencing years of drought, irregular rains, reduced monsoon, inclement weather, increased pest attacks, total loss of crops, peasants are gradually emerging from their worst scenarios to combat climate change by switching to traditional seeds, water harvesting, drip irrigation, multiple cropping, mixed cropping, gathering information on timely weather reports, better planning of agricultural practices, biodiversity and ecosystem conservation and increased use of solar energy. 

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Country Programmes: 
Type: 
Book

A Vexed Contract!

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 CONTRACT FARMING AND ITS IMPLICATIONS ON SMALL SCALE FARMING IN INDIA

In developing country like India, where more than half of its 1.23 billion population is dependent on subsistence farming, both ‘Kisan’ (Farmer) and ‘Krishi’ (Agriculture) become vital constituents of the political economy of the country. Woven around these two unavoidable constituents are the conditions of food security and livelihood, which determine the survival of a vast majority of the country’s population.

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Type: 
Report

Farmers Plight in their Own Words, an illustrated story (Hindi vers.)

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Agriculture has been the driving force for India’s economy. At one point farming was even considered to be one of the most respectable job an individual could have. However, with the shift from zero budget farming to the rapid commercialisation of agriculture, many farmers have found themselves displaced or stuck in a vicious circle of debt trap.

Hoping for a better life and to save themselves from the harassment of moneylenders, farmers prefer to sell their lands or just abandon them and move to cities, however, to find themselves stuck in yet another trap of unorganised labour. A better understanding of their current situation can be ascertained by comparing the past and present state of agriculture and the role of farmers in it. 

This animation booklet presents stories of their struggle for survival in their own words. 

Download/s: 
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Type: 
Book

The Rise of Populist Authoritarianisms in Asia

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On the 45th anniversary of the declaration of Martial Law, young activists in the Philippines urge their fellow Filipinos to fight against the tyrannical rule of Duterte and to defend the democratic rights of the people. 2017 September 21. Quezon City, Philippines.

In many countries in Asia, new forms of authoritarianism are on the rise. In the Philippines, Rodrigo Duterte—a former mayor accused of organizing death squads and who promised to make the fish of Manila Bay grow fat from the bodies of drug dealers—won the presidential elections in 2016. In Thailand in 2014, a general who had favored cracking down on demonstrators led other military leaders in launching a coup against the democratically elected government. In India, a Hindu nationalist party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), won the elections in 2014, and its leader, Narendra Modi, a member of an extreme right-wing group who incited and condoned riots that killed hundreds of Muslims, became prime minister. In the same year, Prabowo Subianto, a former general under Suharto who also advocates strongman rule, nearly became Indonesia’s president. In Cambodia, the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) which has been ruling the country for more than three decades has demonstrated its unwillingness to cede or even share power.  While the CPP rejects allegations of being authoritarian, it has escalated actions to get rid of its opponents, and has clamped down on any form of popular resistance and dissent that could pose significant challenges to its perpetuity. Hopes for genuine peoples’ democracy in Cambodia appear extremely dim at this time.

Type: 
Report

The Rise of Populist Authoritarianisms in Asia - PRINTABLE VERSION / NO PICTURES

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ECO -FRIENDLY PRINTABLE VERSION WITH NO PICTURES (text only)!

In many countries in Asia, new forms of authoritarianism are on the rise. In the Philippines, Rodrigo Duterte—a former mayor accused of organizing death squads and who promised to make the fish of Manila Bay grow fat from the bodies of drug dealers—won the presidential elections in 2016. In Thailand in 2014, a general who had favored cracking down on demonstrators led other military leaders in launching a coup against the democratically elected government. In India, a Hindu nationalist party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), won the elections in 2014, and its leader, Narendra Modi, a member of an extreme right-wing group who incited and condoned riots that killed hundreds of Muslims, became prime minister. In the same year, Prabowo Subianto, a former general under Suharto who also advocates strongman rule, nearly became Indonesia’s president. In Cambodia, the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) which has been ruling the country for more than three decades has demonstrated its unwillingness to cede or even share power.  While the CPP rejects allegations of being authoritarian, it has escalated actions to get rid of its opponents, and has clamped down on any form of popular resistance and dissent that could pose significant challenges to its perpetuity. Hopes for genuine peoples’ democracy in Cambodia appear extremely dim at this time.

Campaigns & Programmes: 
Type: 
Report
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